Tuesday, February 26, 2019

Responsibility for Russian-American tensions in Europe

Both scholars within international relations and top-level politicians have expressed their concern about the current worsening of the relationship between Russia and the United States. In Western media, the blame for the escalation of both Russian and American military presence in Europe is solely put on Moscow. This is a dangerous approach to an already unstable situation, and it needs more self-reflection. Whether one supports the Russians or not, it is crucial to understand the reasoning behind their military build-up if the NATO allies want to avoid further escalation of the conflict. The mutual understanding becomes even more important as both the US and Russia plan to modernise and enhance their nuclear arsenals. In order to preserve the low level on armed conflicts in Europe, a new set of treaties must be negotiated. These agreements need to recognise the new political landscape of Eastern Europe, both from the perspective of Moscow and Washington.
The Americans' withdrawal from the INF (Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces) treaty of 1987 came into effect on February 1st this year. In response, the Russian government decided to withdraw the following day. This is just the latest example of judicial framework between the great powers from the Cold War era or its aftermath being discarded as a culmination of new military deployments and alliances throughout Eastern Europe. In 2008, Russia withdrew from CFE (Conventional Armed Forces in Europe) treaty with one of the reasons being the claim that the US violated the ceilings in military equipment and troops set in the treaty. The accusations of breaking the bilateral agreements followed by a withdrawal go both ways.
Both of the treaties mentioned above was set in place to avoid a new arms race caused by the constant threat from each towards the other. Mitigations and limitations of military presence and nuclear arsenals were to improve the relationship between Moscow and Washington. Furthermore, the treaties held the prospects of ensuring a stable long-lasting balance of power on the European continent. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the United States, as well as Russia, have seen the new countries from the former Eastern Bloc as their sphere of influence. The quick expansion eastwards of the NATO and the EU was seen by Russia as compromising their sphere of influence, a view which the West needs, not to submit to, but to acknowledge. Without admitting the rapid movement of NATO forces into the Baltic states along with their ascension to the alliance, the United States and its allies will not be capable of re-establishing a framework similar to the one of the INF and CFE treaties. Likewise, the Russian government must acknowledge its part of the responsibility of the rising tensions with NATO member states.

Sources:

Douglas Barrie (2017). Allegation, Counter-Allegation and the INF Treaty, Survival, 59:4, 35-43.

Michael Fitzsimmons (2018). Russian Strategy and the End of the INF Treaty, Survival, 60:6, 119-136.

“Russia Argues Enhanced Military Presence in Europe Violates NATO-Russia Agreement; United States Criticizes Russian Military Maneuvers over the Baltic Sea as Inconsistent with Bilateral Treaty Governing Incidents at Sea.” American Journal of International Law, vol. 110, no. 03, 2016, pp. 562–567.

“For Decades, the United States and Russia Stepped Back From the Brink. Until Now.” NY Times, Feb. 10, 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/10/opinion/trump-putin-inf-treaty.html

Resolving the Greek-Macedonian name dispute

Since the dissolution of SFR Yugoslavia and the proclamation of Macedonian independence in 1992, the Greeks have disputed the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). In June 2018, the governments of Greece and agreed upon a new name for their Northern neighbour. The new name, Republic of North Macedonia, has been scheduled to be put into use as of January 2019 after ratification in both nations’ parliaments. The renaming of the landlocked Balkan republic resulted in the withdrawal of Greek veto for its accession to the European Union. Through this veto, the Greeks had forced FYROM to change their constitutional name if it had any ambitions of joining the EU as well as NATO. The so-called “Prespa agreement”, as well as the preceding referendum, has infuriated nationalists on both sides the border, both arguing that the other side with international support bullied their agenda through. Either way, the domestic affairs of a sovereign state was subject to outside interference.
In order to validate the renaming of the FYROM, the referendum of September 2018 asked for the voters’ support for EU and NATO membership by accepting the agreement with Greece. The result was overwhelmingly in favour, yet the turnout of eligible voters was sole 37 %. Thereby the referendum was invalid due to the constitution of FYROM. Analysts argue that the referendum was a victim of Russian interference, pointing to pro-Russian communities and false online accounts promoting nonparticipation.
The fact that FYROM was obliged to constitutional rename itself due to Greek pride should be a point of critic towards Greece as well as the EU. Exclusion from ascension in the EU because of a name dispute is to set up unnecessary obstacles for the spread of democracy, prosperity, and interdependence in the EU’s near sphere of influence.

For the future relationship between the two countries, nationalism must be disregarded for a North Macedonian accession to the EU to be successful. The fact that the countries along with the EU have finally reached an agreement on the matter presents an instance of the will for international cooperation eventually prevailing. Not the process, but rather the result should be praised since national stubbornness was diminished in the name of reconciliation, and rightfully the two prime ministers have been nominated for the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize.

Sources:

Edward P. Joseph & Ognen Vangelov (2018) Breakthrough in the Balkans: Macedonia's New Name, Survival, 60:4, 37-44, DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2018.1495426

Aristotle Tziampiris (2012) The Macedonian name dispute and European Union accession, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 12:1, 153-171, DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2012.661225

Fotis Mavromatidis (2010) The Role of the European Union in the Name Dispute between Greece and FYR Macedonia, Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 18:1, 47-62, DOI: 10.1080/14782801003638703

Resolving the Greek-Macedonian name dispute

Since the dissolution of SFR Yugoslavia and the proclamation of Macedonian independence in 1992, the Greeks have disputed the former Y...